Turkey’s Geopolitical Position: A Conversation with Prof. Dr. Emre İşeri

Prof. Emre İşeri is a respected academic and researcher at Yaşar University. He leads the Center for Mediterranean Studies and teaches in the Department of International Relations. Emre completed his degree in Political Science at Bilkent University in 2002 and went on to earn a master’s in EU Politics and International Relations from Marmara University. Not stopping there, he pursued another master’s in International Conflict Analysis at the University of Kent and achieved his PhD in International Relations from Keele University in 2008.

His academic journey includes teaching roles at Kadir Has University from 2009 to 2013, along with a part-time lecturer position at both Bahçeşehir University in summer 2013 and at the University of the Peloponnese from 2015 to 2021 in the Mediterranean Studies MA program. Prof. İşeri has a wide range of research interests, including Energy and Climate Politics, Political Communication, Eurasian and Mediterranean Politics, and Turkish Foreign Policy. He’s actively involved in numerous national and international projects, contributing to the academic conversation with publications in esteemed journals like Geopolitics, Energy Policy, Turkish Studies, and the European Journal of Communication. Through his research, public speaking, and interviews, Prof. İşeri continues to influence both academic circles and policy discussions.

Suggested Questions:

International Cooperation

• In your view, what role should Turkey assume in promoting international cooperation to tackle the humanitarian crises stemming from conflicts in the region?

Türkiye has long played a multifaceted role in promoting international cooperation and addressing various humanitarian crises. This role seems to have gained a new dimension with the “Century of Türkiye,” which began with the centenary of the Republic of Türkiye in 2023. In parallel with this, officially, Türkiye states its aim in this new century as strengthening regional peace and security, expanding the institutional basis of foreign relations, promoting economic development and prosperity in its region, and influencing the transformation of the global system. With the motto of “Peace at Home, Peace in the World,” as set out by the Republic’s founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, Türkiye, at least at its official discursive level, conducts an independent and national foreign policy. Positioning itself as “the compassionate power,” by the same token, Türkiye plays a significant role in international cooperation and addressing humanitarian crises, with a strong focus on humanitarian aid and a commitment to multilateralism.

Here are some of the key aspects: 1) Humanitarian Aid; 2) Multilateral Diplomacy; 3) Conflict Resolution and Mediation; 4) Regional Cooperation.

Nonetheless, Türkiye’s those initiatives to promote international cooperation in addressing human tragedies have yielded mixed results. There are external and internal reasons for this:

1. Multi-level Balancing Act: The difficulty of balancing the ever-changing geopolitical landscape and the need to balance its relations with various actors, including Western allies, Russia, regional neighbours, and domestic actors.
2. Human Rights Concerns: Concerns about human rights and the rule of law in Turkey have been raised by international organizations and human rights groups.
3. Foreign Policy Shifts: Turkey’s foreign policy has undergone shifts in recent years, with a greater emphasis on assertiveness, impartiality, and, in some instances, unilateralism.

Geopolitical Dynamics 

• How do you see Turkey’s unique location between East and West shaping its involvement in current conflicts, especially in the MENA region and the ongoing Ukraine-Russia crisis?

As you rightly pointed out, Türkiye occupies a unique geopolitical position, bordered by the Black Sea, Aegean Sea, and the Mediterranean Sea, and exercising sovereign control over the Bosphorus and Dardanelles straits. Situated at the intersection of various regional (sub-)security complexes—including MENA, the Caucasus, the Black Sea, and Europe—Türkiye, as a middle power, has not only sought to insulate itself from security challenges originating from these regions but has also played an active role in shaping their transformation. This is, undoubtedly, a formidable task, requiring a delicate balancing act among diverse actors and the adoption of ‘smart power’ capabilities to achieve both regional transformation and national interests.

The Ukraine-Russia war serves as a litmus test for whether Türkiye’s intermediary position between East and West can yield strategic dividends. Türkiye has temporarily enhanced its international profile through initiatives like the grain corridor. By leveraging its veto power—particularly regarding Sweden’s accession to NATO—Türkiye has secured concessions from Helsinki, Stockholm, and Washington. Moreover, it can be argued that Russia currently relies more on cooperation with Türkiye than vice versa. However, the long-term outcome of these maneuvers will depend on the stance of any potential future administration on the Ukraine conflict, the implementation of the CAATSA (Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act) on Türkiye, and a possible return to the F-35 program.

In the MENA region, and particularly in post-Assad Syria, Türkiye’s security priorities are clear: maintaining peace and stability. At this juncture, Türkiye and Israel appear to be the two prominent actors shaping Syria’s future. However, aligning their preferences remains a significant challenge, given Israel’s continued aggression toward Palestinians in general and Gaza in particular.

From Türkiye’s perspective, the presence of YPG/PYD/PKK groups and what has been termed a ‘terror corridor’ constitutes a clear red line in the region.

Finally, it is important to note that Türkiye’s negotiations with the US and Europe remain largely transactional, rather than rooted in the normative values of the liberal international order, such as rule-based governance, the rule of law, democracy, and human rights.

Future of Turkish Foreign Policy 

• As the geopolitical landscape shifts, how do you envision the future of Turkish foreign policy adapting to new challenges and opportunities for peace in the area?

At the global level, echoing Antonio Gramsci’s notion of an interregnum—where ‘the old world is dying, and the new world struggles to be born’—we are witnessing the decline of the Western liberal order’s hegemonic capacity to rule through consent and the emergence of a ‘post-Western (dis)order.’ Against this backdrop, three distinct camps appear to have emerged: (1) the West, (2) the China-Russia axis, and (3) the Global South. In this context, a critical question for international relations scholars is how small and middle powers will navigate this interregnum and align their policies with one of these camps.

As a member of the Global South and a “middle power,” Türkiye offers an illuminating case study with its foreign policy vision of “strategic autonomy.” Despite its historically, economically, and institutionally close ties with the West—particularly NATO and the EU—Türkiye strives to carve out an independent path. While Türkiye is regionally pivotal, its limited middle power capabilities constrain its ability to contribute meaningfully to regional peace solely through its vision of “strategic autonomy.”

To go beyond rhetoric, Türkiye must engage in nuanced diplomacy and embrace peaceful public diplomacy that involves all stakeholders. Moving beyond transactional approaches, it should aim to position itself as a constructive actor in peacemaking and peacebuilding processes, particularly in the Black Sea and MENA regions.

To adapt to the challenges and opportunities posed by the evolving post-Western order and the shrinking liberal international order, Türkiye must recalibrate its foreign policy orientation to align with the principles of the early Republican era. In practical terms, contemporary Turkish policymakers should allow Westernism—emphasizing the rule of law, democracy, and human rights—and status quo principles to guide foreign policy. This approach aligns with the motto of Türkiye’s founding father, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk: ‘Peace at home, peace in the world.’

Turkey’s Evolving Role in Syria: Strategic Interests and Critical Peacebuilding Contribution:

• The relationship between Turkey and Syria has been marked by both cooperation and tension over the years. Considering the recent developments in Syria, including the changing dynamics of the Syrian civil war and the involvement of external powers, how do you envision the future of Turkey-Syria relations? What role can Turkey play in facilitating a sustainable political solution in Syria?

Going back to the late 2000s and early 2010s, Türkiye and Syria were experiencing a period of close relations, often described as a honeymoon. This rapprochement was bolstered by Türkiye’s adoption of the so-called “good neighborly relations” policy. However, this policy unraveled when the wave of Arab Spring protests reached Syria in 2011. As the civil war in Syria escalated, Türkiye aligned itself with the anti-Assad camp, supporting the Syrian National Army (formerly the Free Syrian Army). Its primary concerns included countering the YPG/PYD/PKK’s attempts to establish a terror corridor and combating ISIL.

Since the onset of the Syrian crisis, Türkiye has consistently called for fair burden and responsibility sharing, hosting more than 3 million Syrians under temporary protection. Now, the focus shifts to rebuilding Syria’s war-torn state and infrastructure to enable displaced Syrians to return and rebuild their lives. Reports indicate that Turkish officials and Ahmed al-Sharaa, a former al-Qaeda member and current Syrian interim president, have found common ground to work toward a unified Syria.

Despite its economic challenges, Türkiye can offer expertise in the construction and energy sectors and aims to increase trade volume from its current level of $2.5 billion to a potential $10 billion in a limited timeframe. However, the necessary investments for Syria’s reconstruction are likely to come from the Gulf monarchies.

Nevertheless, achieving economic development without political order and stability would be unrealistic. From Türkiye’s perspective, two immediate threats to stability are ISIL and the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), which include PYD/YPG elements. To address ISIL, Türkiye has proposed a ‘Quartet of Four’ involving Syria, Iraq, and Jordan. However, dealing with the SDF poses a greater challenge, as the PYD has reportedly agreed to participate in the new Syrian army, likely with continued American support, particularly under a potential ‘Trump 2.0’ administration.

• Turkey has been actively engaged in the region and has a vested interest in the stability of Syria. Given Turkey’s geopolitical and strategic position, how can Turkey leverage its influence and resources to act as a strong ally to Syria in fostering peacebuilding efforts and ensuring a post-conflict reconstruction process that is inclusive and sustainable?

As Daron Acemoğlu emphasizes the importance of building inclusive institutions for economic prosperity, it is crucial for external actors to provide their utmost support for this process. Türkiye could play a facilitating role by bringing various external and internal groups together to build confidence and trust among all stakeholders.

• With the shifting political landscape in Syria and the rise of new leadership, how do you think Turkey can safeguard its strategic interests in Syria? What steps can Turkey take to ensure that its security concerns, economic interests, and regional influence are maintained in this evolving environment?

As mentioned above, the immediate challenge is the presence of the SDF east of the Euphrates. For Türkiye, it is a red line for these groups to have a role in the governance of a new Syria. Another challenge involves Israel. While it may be premature to address this issue given Israel’s ongoing aggression in Gaza, in the coming days, Türkiye and Israel will need to collaborate to work toward the construction of a unified Syria

Impact of Conflicts on Environmental Issues 

• With ongoing conflicts like the situation in Gaza, how do you think environmental degradation and resource scarcity play a role in heightening tensions, and what measures can be taken to alleviate these issues?

According to a 2024 report by CSIS, by 2050, every country in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region will face extremely high water stress. If global temperatures rise by 4°C, the region is projected to experience a 75% decrease in freshwater availability, with many countries expected to warm by approximately 5°C by the end of the century.

Countries most vulnerable to climate change and least prepared to adapt are often those affected by conflict. Nations such as Syria, Yemen, Iraq, Lebanon, and Jordan are either grappling with internal conflicts or suffering from the spillover effects of violence in neighboring countries. While resource scarcity poses an immediate concern for the people of Gaza, it remains a non-issue for Israeli aggression.

However, there are promising sustainable water management practices, such as those developed in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), that could be adopted across the region as an adaptation measure to combat the effects of climate change.

Sustainable Development Goals

• In what ways can the pursuit of Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), especially those focused on climate action and peace, be woven into regional peace initiatives?

At a new phase of “poly-crisis” (geopolitics, politics, economy, and environment), it is clear that those prominent actors of global governance (e.g. environmental great powers) are struggling to address the climate crisis (SDG 13) with various “threat multiplier” effects (e.g. wildfires, flood, drought, climate-induced migration). Considering that the Mediterranean has been warming 20% faster than the global average, those effects are more devastating. Paradoxically, the region has significant renewable energy potential, nonetheless, its energy portfolio heavily depends on hydrocarbons. For sure, there is room for regional cooperation in clean/renewable energy technologies (e.g. smart electricity grids, off-grid renewable energy utilizations, off-wind turbines)  to harness not only regional peace (SDG16) but also green energy transformation in line with the European Green Deal.

Engagement with Civil Society

• How crucial is the participation of civil society organizations in Turkey and the Mediterranean region when it comes to tackling environmental challenges and fostering peacebuilding efforts?

Considering that those prominent actors of global (climate) governance have been struggling to take the required adaptation/mitigation measures on time, it is up to civil society actors to consolidate “the idea of climate change” adaptation/mitigation at local, national, regional, and global levels. One way to do this is by mainstreaming climate action through various co-organized initiatives to increase public awareness and forming advocacy coalitions.

Collaborative Research Initiatives

• What types of collaborative research projects do you think are vital for addressing the intertwined issues of conflict, environmental sustainability, and peace in the Mediterranean and beyond?

There could be two types of collaborative research projects:

Social: A social network analysis focusing on state and non-state actors (e.g., civil society organizations, media) operating at various levels—local, national, and regional—that promote climate action in the Mediterranean.

Knowledge-Sharing: Research on regional cooperation and coordination aimed at overcoming obstacles to knowledge sharing and technological transfer, complemented by reformed domestic policies to streamline the green energy transition. Collaboration among experts, public servants, the private sector, civil society, academics, and universities can play a pivotal role in addressing the climate crisis and advancing the renewable energy transition.

Role of Academia

• What role do you believe universities in Turkey, including the Center for Mediterranean Studies, can play in encouraging dialogue and cooperation among the conflicting parties in the region?

The Center for Mediterranean Studies at Yaşar University in İzmir aims to serve as a platform that unites relevant civil society stakeholders under the vision of constructing a sustainable Mediterranean Basin for all living beings. Focusing on sustainable development in general—and energy (SDG 7), climate (SDG 13), agriculture (SDGs 1, 2, 8, 12), and peace (SDG 16) in particular—the Center supports academic studies, projects, and various region-related activities. It also organizes events to enhance interaction and communication with national and international stakeholders working in the region.

In the coming years, the Center plans to host various hybrid educational programs on sustainable peace in the Mediterranean, with youth as the primary target audience.

Educational Programs and Public Awareness

• How can educational programs at Turkish universities help raise public awareness about the significance of peace and environmental concerns in the context of current conflicts?

Beyond narrow geopolitical considerations, there is a growing recognition of common regional problems and the need for related solutions. This approach will not only raise public awareness of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the European Green Deal but also inspire further academic studies and projects. Establishing a network of scholars and students dedicated to promoting sustainable peace and transnational cooperation in the Mediterranean is essential for achieving these goals.rranean is essential for achieving these goals.